I am many things: a student, a writer, a brother, but I am also a Venezuelan. Being Venezuelan entails a mixture of experiences, misfortunes, and privileges that play a fundamental role in developing our unique character. But in order to truly understand where a Venezuelan comes from, you need to know his story.
My generation has grown up in a country of immense wealth, but one plagued by corruption, social tension, political polarization, economic uncertainty, and rampant crime. To add insult to injury, our childhood was filled with stories which depict the Venezuela of old as a country where people could walk the streets without getting shot, where the oil boom created one of the best infrastructure development projects the world has ever witnessed—a country preferred by immigrants who sought to escape the miseries of Europe, a country where a common catchphrase used to be “está barato, dame dos” (that is cheap, give me two).
Unfortunately for Venezuelans, and future generations to come, the cherished relics of the past are nowhere close to resurfacing in our country.
My whole life I have never known any other political reality than that of Chavismo. I was six years old when Hugo Chavez won the presidential elections in 1999, running on a platform against corruption and poverty. Chavez won with almost a landslide victory, boasting a vast number of supporters who believed in his movement. However, slowly but steadily, Chavez deviated from his moderate campaign speech. It was in 2004 that Chavez first announced to the country and to the world that he would embark on a Bolivarian Revolution, a self-proclaimed radical agenda to rid the country of the historical oppression of the bourgeoisie.
It needs to be understood that Chavez’s idea of a Bolivarian revolution is not foul, but rather initially a noble claim. Venezuela boasted one of the highest socioeconomic inequalities in the world. He wanted to reduce this inequality and bring the Venezuelan people together by giving those more unfortunate the tools to overcome their situation in the forms of social programs, agrarian reform, and improved education and healthcare. Chavez had the world’s largest proven oil reserves—with oil prices at an all-time historic high—at his disposal. He also had a majoritarian support of the electorate, complete support from the Armed Forces and most importantly, a clean slate.
In spite of apparently holding all the variables of the formula needed for development and success, I hold Chavez responsible for what has become of my Venezuela today. I have witnessed how rampant expropriations have led to hunger strikes and suicides. I have witnessed how police officers have tried to plant drugs in my car in exchange for bribes. I have witnessed how yes, inequality has been reduced, but only because the middle class is being wiped out. I have witnessed how government rhetoric has fueled social tensions, leading to resentfulness and hate deeply engrained within Venezuelan society, and I have witnessed my government calling on people to hate their brothers, simply because they think differently.
As accustomed as we were to his figure, Chavez’s death was officially announced on March 5, 2013. The Venezuelan Constitution clearly declares that run-off elections have to take place 30 days after a head of state is deemed unfit to carry out his term.
Enter Nicolas Maduro and Henrique Capriles Radonski. The former is Chavez’s appointed successor, who has held the positions of minister of foreign affairs and vice president. Capriles, on the other hand, is a young politician from an upper-middle class family of Caracas. He is a trained lawyer and has been a member of parliament, a mayor, and is the current governor of the state of Miranda.
What followed was a blitzkrieg campaign by both candidates. Maduro claimed to follow the legacy of Chavez and invoked his figure for support while Capriles continued his efforts to offer Venezuelans an alternative to the economic, political, and social reality Chavismo had left in the country.
Elections were held this past Sunday, April 14 and Nicolás Maduro was declared victor over Henrique Capriles with roughly 1 percent advantage. The National Electoral Council said that these results were irreversible, but later announced that it would be willing to comply with a full audit of the votes.
Maduro went on to celebrate his victory giving a speech surrounded by figures of Chavismo. Immediately after, Capriles proclaimed that he will not recognize the results amidst suspicions of electoral fraud. Capriles has explicitly called the de facto government illegitimate and demands a full audit of the votes.
Ever since Sunday there have been numerous reports of how the Armed Forces have explicitly vandalized ballot boxes under the instructions of the government. Regular Venezuelans are taking to the streets and documenting the reality they face using social media, especially Twitter. Videos and pictures show police and military repression, abducted ballot boxes, and both opposition and pro-government violence illustrate the Venezuelan reality.
The preservation of Chavismo is not a matter of a struggle between the political right and left. Chavismo in itself is not an ideology. It may have started as one, but has devolved instead into a group of bureaucrats which seek to retain power at all costs.
This is a crucial moment for my generation. I will be following the news very closely, and hope that this tense political panorama reaches a peaceful climax in accordance with the principles of justice, truth and democracy. All in all this shouldn’t be another brick in the wall.
