Logistical fault lines, too, run under Port-au-Prince

The 7.0 magnitude earthquake that hit Port-au-Prince on January 12 affected three million people—killing over 100,000, about 80 percent of whom had to be buried in mass graves. Thousands still require medical attention, millions are homeless, and many lack necessities as basic as water and food. 

In such a catastrophe, everyone’s first priority must be preserving life and assisting those in dire need. However, the critical situation in Haiti is unique and presents certain hidden risks for the United States. Before involving ourselves even further in the recovery efforts, we must examine the complexities of our long-term strategy for this island nation.

I have two primary concerns with our efforts in Haiti. The first is that by becoming so involved in the relief efforts, we risk entangling ourselves in a country that may be beyond our capacity to assist.

In addition to great loss of life, the earthquake also largely destroyed the Haitian government and infrastructure.  The Presidential Palace is completely collapsed. Parliament is gone. There is no reason for the Judiciary to function. Many Cabinet members, ministers, and government workers have been killed or are still missing. The President of Haiti is living and working in the backyard of a police station. The Haitian government, which at its best was corrupt and ineffective, is now nearly nonexistent.

This breakdown has forced other nations, led by the United States, to provide essential services in Haiti. Ten thousand U.S. troops are providing security and humanitarian assistance. The U.S. Air Force has been given control of the airport to help foreign forces and aid organizations land safely. Illegal Haitians in the United States have been granted Temporary Protected Status. U.S. ships are pumping in clean water and acting as hospitals. Food, supplies, and money are pouring in from around the world.

Even the Haitians don’t think their government is up to the task. ABC News’ Martha Raddatz reported that when the U.S. troops began patrolling the city streets Haitians cheered because they thought the United States was taking over. 

While many things remain uncertain in Haiti, one thing is clear: foreign states, particularly the United States, are the only thing protecting the country’s relative stability and remaining infrastructure. The Haitian government has all but ceased to function and has practically abdicated its sovereignty to foreign states.

But the United States cannot and should not stay in Haiti forever. The reality is that at some point U.S. troops will need to come home. We must keep this logistical concern in mind and begin thinking about disengagement even as we expand our presence in Haiti so dramatically.

My second concern is that if Haiti is to have any shot at long-term stability without permanent international support we must change our aid strategy for the country. Presidents George W. Bush and Bill Clinton have been tasked with overseeing the fundraising and rebuilding efforts for Haiti, pledging to “make sure [our] money is spent wisely.” But, as New York Times columnist David Brooks pointed out the other week, over the past twenty years trillions of dollars have been spent on assisting developing nations, yet these nations remain impoverished while countries that receive little foreign aid, like China, have seen tremendous growth and poverty reduction. I am no expert, but it’s clear we must be doing something wrong.

Private American donations have brought in more than $300 million and the federal government has pledged hundreds of millions more. Much of this money will go to the long-term rebuilding efforts in Haiti, an admirable cause. However, if we apply the same old strategies proven ineffective in the past we will be needlessly wasting the generosity of the American public and not giving the Haitians all the support we can.

When providing assistance to Haiti we must demand better from the government, refusing to allow old practices to set in again. We should also invest less in aid like food and medicine that helps a person for only a day and instead invest in economic development that gives people an income that provides aid forever.

We are still in a period of critical relief. We must continue rushing in supplies and helping the Haitians who badly need it. Yet, we must be cognizant of the fact that this is a complex situation. Haiti cannot become dependent on the United States because at some point we will need to leave. We must also ensure that our long-term investment in Haiti is used more effectively than in the past. It is in both our and Haiti’s interest that we get this right.